Effects of Rap Music on Crime free essay sample

Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance Julian Tanner, university of Toronto Mark Gabriele, Dalhousie University Scot Worldly, university of Toronto This research compares representations of rap music with the self-reported criminal behavior and resistant attitudes of the musics core audience. Our database is a large sample of Toronto high school students (n = 3,393) from which we identify a group of listeners, whose combination of musical likes and dislikes distinguish them as rap universe.We then examine the relationship between their cultural preference for rap music and Involvement in a culture of crime and heir perceptions of social Injustice and Inequity. We find that the rap universe, also known as urban music enthusiasts, report significantly more delinquent behavior and stronger feelings of inequity and injustice than listeners with other musical tastes. However, we also find that the nature and strengths of those relationships vary according to the racial identity of diff erent groups within urban music enthusiasts. Black and white subgroups align themselves with resistance representations while Asians do not; whites and Asians report significant Involvement In crime and delinquency, while blacks do not. Finally, we discuss our findings in light of research on media effects and audience reception, youth subcultures and post-subcultures analysis, and the sociology of cultural consumption. Thinking About Rap The emergence and spectacular growth of rap Is probably the most Important development In popular music since the rise of rock roll In the late asses.Radio airplay, music video programming and sales figures are obvious testimonies to its popularity and commercial success. This was made particularly evident in October 2003 when, according to the recording industry bible Billboard magazine, all top 10 acts in the United States were rap or hip-hop artists;l and again in 2006, when the Academy award for Best Song went to Its Hard Out Here for a Pimp, a rap song by the group Hustle Flow. Such developments may also signal raps Increasing social acceptance and cultural legalization (Bandanna 2007).However, Its reputation and status in the musical field has, hitherto, been a controversia l one. Like new music before it Jazz, rock n roll), rap has been critically reviewed as a corrosive influence on young and impressionable listeners (Best 1990; Datum 1999; Tanner 2001; Sac and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003). Whether rap has been reviled as much as Jazz and rock n roll once were Is a moot point; rather more certain Is Its pre-eminent role as a problematic contemporary musical genre.Direct correspondence to Julian Tanner, Department of Social Science university of Toronto at Scarborough, 1265 Military Trail, Scarborough, Ontario;o, Canada, MIMIC IA. Telephone: (416) 287-7293. E- mail: Julian. [emailprotected] Ca. The University of North Carolina Press Social Forces 88(2) 693-722, December 2009 694 ; social Forces 88(2) how print Journalists wrote about rap and heavy metal in the asses and asses. While both are devalued genres (Roe 1995), she nevertheless contends that they are framed differently: the presumed harmful effects of heavy metal are limited to the listeners themselves, whereas rap is seen as more socially damaging (for a similar distinction, see Rose 1994). The lyrical content of the two genres is established as one source of this differential framing: rap lyrics are found to be more explicit and provocative (greater usage of hard swear words, for example) than heavy metal lyrics.The second factor involves assumptions made (by Journalists) about the racial imposition of audiences for heavy metal and rap the former believed to be white suburban youth, the latter urban black youth. According to Binder, rap invites more public concern and censorious complaint than heavy metal because of what was assumed to be its largely black fan base. At the same time, she identifies an important counter frame, one component of which elevates rap (but not heavy metal) to the statu s of an art form with serious political content. In both the mainstream press (I. E. The New York Times) and publications targeting a predominately black readership (I. . , Ebony and Jet), she finds rap lauded for the salutary lessons that it imparts to black youth regarding the realities of urban living; likewise, rap artists are applauded for their importance as role models and mentors to inner-city black youth. Thus, while rap has been framed negatively, as a contributor to an array of social problems, crime and delinquency in particular, it has also been celebrated and championed as an authentic expression of cultural resistance by underdogs against racial exploitation and disadvantage.How these differing representations of rap eight resonate with audience members was not part of Binders research mandate. 2 Furthermore, while she does acknowledge that Journalistic perceptions of the racial composition of the rap audience are not necessarily accurate that more white suburban youth, even in the asses and asses, might have been consuming the music than black inner -city youth this acknowledgment does not alter her enterprise or her argument.At this point in time, when the listening audience for rap music has both expanded and become increasingly diverse, our research concerns how young lack, white and Asian rap fans in Toronto, Canada relate to a musical form still viewed primarily in terms of its criminal and resistant meanings. Researching Rap Much of the early work on audiences preoccupied itself with investigating the harmful effects of media exposure, especially the effects of depictions of violence in movies and TV on real life criminal events.Results have generally been inconclusive, with considerable disagreement in the social science research community regarding the influence of the media on those watching the large or small screen (Curran 1990; Firebombed and Longhorns 1998; Freedman 2002; Sac and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003; Newman 2004; Savage 2004; Longhorns 2007). Listening to Rap ; 695 effects, although these too have proven difficult to verify. For example, in one high profile case in the asses, the heavy metal band Judas Priest was accused of producing recorded material (songs) that contained subliminal messaging that led to the suicides of two fans.This claim was not, however, legally validated because the judge hearing the case remained unconvinced about a causal linkage between the music and the self-destructive behavior of two individuals (Waller 1993). Strong arguments for the ill effects of media consumption rest on the assumption that audiences are easily and directly influenced by the media, with frequent analogies made to hypodermic syringes that inject messages into gullible and homogeneous audiences (Firebombed and Longhorns 1998; Alexander 2003; Longhorns 2007).In contesting this view of audience passivity, critics also propose that texts are open to more than one interpretation. Again, TV audiences have been studied more frequently than audiences for popular music, although research on the latter has illustrated how song lyrics are not necessarily construed the same way by adolescents and adults. Research conducted by Prisons and Rosenberg (1987) indicates that songs identified by adults as containing deviant content (references to sex, violence, alcohol and drug use, Satanism) were not similarly categorized by adolescents.Evidence that there are different ways of watching television or listening to recorded music has led to an alternative conception of audiences one more concerned with what audiences do with the media than what the media does to audiences. The development within communications research of the uses and gratifications model (McLain 1984) is one result, with TV once more the media form cost commonly investigated.Nonetheless, a few studies have documented how young people listen to popular music in order to satisfy needs for entertainment and relaxation (among other priorities), and utilize it as an accompaniment to other everyday activities, such as homework and household chores (Roe 1985; Prisons and Rosenberg 1987). More recent research has added identity construction as a need that popular music might fill for young listeners (Roe 1999; Graced 2001; Laughed 2006).One particular usage emphasized by British cultural Marxist associated with the now defunct Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies has focused attention on how active media audiences counter dominant cultural messages in their consumption of popular culture. In what has, by now, become a familiar story, a series of music-based, post-war youth cultures (Teddy Boys, Moods, Rockers, Skinheads, Punks) in the United Kingdom have been represented as symbolically resisting the dominant normative order (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebrides 1979).This argument has, however, relied on a reading of cultural texts and artifacts for its evidentially base, rather than observations of, or information from, subcultures participants themselves (Cohen 1980; Firth 1985; Tanner 2001; Bennett 2002; Alexander 2003). 696 ; social Forces 88(2) More recently, the utility of the term subculture for understanding young peoples collective involvements in music has been questioned.The focus of this criticism is, argue that, under conditions of post modernity, music audiences have fragmented, and young people are no longer participants in distinctive subcultures groups (Bennett Bibb; Megaton 2000). Instead of subcultures, they are now involved with neo tribes and scene s (I. E. , Bennett Bibb; Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004; Hexagonally 2005; Longhorns 2007; Hoodwinks 2008). Post subcultures research has been much less inclined than the Birmingham era researchers to decode and decipher texts, and much more likely to engage in ethnographic studies of music and youth groups (Bennett 2002).However, while there has been occasional work on modes of (female) resistance in the teen scene (Lowe 2004) and riot girl scene (Sicily 2004), there has been no equivalent research on rap scenes and resistance. Examinations of audience receptions of rap are not numerous and have been of two main kinds: a few studies have explored how young people perceive and valuate the music, while others have studied the harmful effects of rap by trying to link consumption of the music with various negative consequences.An early study by Sahara (1992) finds rap to be more popular with black than white college students, and more popular among males than females. However, reasons for liking the music varied little by race, with both black and white audience members proportioning the bea t over the message. A more recent study by Sullivan (2003) reports few racial differences in liking the music, although black teenagers were more committed to the mere and more likely to view rap as life affirming (Berry 1994) than those from other racial backgrounds.In a small but important study conducted in California, Maharani and Connors (2003) investigated 41 black middle school students perceptions of violence and thoughts about rap music. In focus group sessions and personal interviews, informants revealed a strong liking for rap music, valuing the fact that it spoke to their everyday concerns about growing up in a poorly resourced community. They did not, however, like the way that rap music on occasion (MIS)represented the experiences of black people in the United States.They challenged the misogyny evident in some rap videos and rejected what they saw as the globalization of violence. Overall, their critical and nuanced engagement with rap music fitted poorly with depictions of media audiences as easily swayed by popular culture (Sac 2005). The search for the harmful effects of rap music has yielded no more definitive results than earlier quests for media effects. While some studies report evidence of increased violence, delinquency, substance use, and unsafe sexual activity resulting room young peoples exposure to rap music (Winning et al. 003; Chem. et al. 2006), other researchers have failed to find such a link or have exercised extreme caution when interpreting apparent links. One review of the literature, conducted in the asses, could find a total of only nine investigations all of them Listening to Rap ; 697 small-scale, none involving the general adolescent population and concluded that there was an even split between those that found some sort of an association between exposure to the music and various deviant or undesirable outcomes, and those that could find no connection at all.Moreover, in those studies where the whether or not they were observing a causal relationship, and if so, which came first, the music or the violent dispositions (Datum 1999). A more recent investigation conducted in Montreal is illustrative of such interpretative problems. While a preference for rap was found to predict deviant behavior among 348 Fricasseeing adolescents, causal ordering could not be established, nor an additional possibility ruled out: that other factors might be responsible for both the musical taste and the deviant behavior (Miranda and Class 2004).The notion that rap is or can be presented as cultural resistance the counter frame identified by Binder has become increasingly prominent in the rap literature over the past 20 years (Rose 1994; Kermis 2000; Keyes 2002; Quinn 2005). In his influential book, Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wants, Wiggeries, Wannabes, and the new Reality of Race in America, Kitting (2005) expounds at length on his emancipators view of raps history and development. Kitting sees hip-hop as a form of protest music, offering its listeners a message of resistance.He also makes the additional claim that the resistive appeal of hip-hop is not restricted to black youth. Indeed, as the title of his book suggests, he is particularly interested in the patronage of rap music by white youth, those young people who might be seen as the contemporary equivalents of Mailers White Negro or Keys Negro Wannabes. (Keyes 2002:250) In his view, the global diffusion of rap rests on the musics capacity for resonating with the experiences of the downtrodden and marginalia in a variety of cultural contexts.Quinn (2005) similarly explains the crossover appeal of gangs rap in the United States in terms of the common sensibilities and insecurities shared by post Forbids youth. She continues: many young whites, facing bleak labor market prospects, were also eager for stories about fast money and authentic belonging to ward off a creeping sense of blamelessness and dispossession. (Quinn 2005:85-86) Thus, raps appeal is as much about class as it is about race. Nor is the resistive view of rap restricted to the North American continent.At least one French study conducted in advance of the riots in the fall of 2005 has noted how French Rap has become the music of choice for young people of visible minority descent who have grown up in the suburban ghettos (Less Cities) of ajar cities. They have been routinely exposed to police harassment on the streets, subjected to prejudice and discrimination at school, and struggled to find decent housing and appropriate Jobs (Boucher 1999, cited in Miranda and Class 2004). The idea that popular music might serve as an important reference point for rebellious or resistive adolescents is not a new one.As we have already noted, this is how a British school of subcultures analysis once interpreted the cultural activity of working-class youth in the United Kingdom (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebrides 698 ; social Forces 88(2) 97 9). Some attempt has been made to understand rap fantod in similar terms. Bonnets (AAA) ethnographic study, set in Newcastle, reveals how one group of white rappers translate the racial politics of blacks into the language of class divisions in the United Kingdom. However, for the most part there has been limited application of this kind of analysis to young peoples involvement with rap music.Rap directed against exploitation and disadvantages at school, on the streets, or in the labor market, do so primarily without much input from the young people who make up its listening audience. Because they have not often been canvassed for their views about the music, we do not know to what degree they share in or identify with the message of resistance readily found in content analysis of the rap idiom (Martinez 1997; Nexus 1997; Kern-NSA 2000; Stephens and Wright 2000; Bennett 2001; Sullivan 2003; Kabuki 2005; Quinn 2005; Lena 2006).Thus contemporary rap scholarship follows British subcultures theory in gleaning evidence of resistance from the texts, not the aud ience. Resistance is sought, and found, in the words and music rather than in the activities and ideologies of subcultures or audience members. We can suggest, echoing Alexander (2003) earlier critique of British cultural studies, that the audience for rap music has been theorized rather more thoroughly than it has been investigated. The Present Study The present study is concerned with three key questions: First, is there a relationship between audiences for rap and representations of the music?Second, as compared to other listening audiences, are serious rap fans participants in cultures of crime and resistance? Third, if such a link is found, what are the sources of variation in their participation in these cultures of crime and resistance? The need to address these questions, as we see it, emerges from several limitations in the existing research on rap. These limitations are as follows: First, there is a significant disjuncture between dominant representations of the music as a source of social harms and evidence unambiguously supportive of this proposition.Second, the case for a resistant view of rap music is usually advanced, as we have already intimated, by examination of the designs and intentions of musical creators, both artists and producers, as well as music critics. We do not know whether or not re sistant assuages register and resonate with those who listen to the music. Third, we do not have an accurate gauging of the stereographic composition, particularly racial and ethnic, of the audience for rap music. Raps dominance of the youth market is widely understood as a crossover effect the original black audience now Joined by legions of white fans (Spiller 1996; Houseman 2003).However, purchasing habits the usual arbiter for claims about raps increasing popularity with white consumers may not be an entirely reliable measure of either raps popularity or racial and ethnic orations therein (Kermis 2000; Quinn 2005). The system devised by the recording industry to gauge record Listening to Rap ; 699 sales Nielsen Scandalous does not gather data on the race, or indeed any other personal characteristic, of purchasers. What it does do is categorize sales in terms of whether they were made in retail stores in high-income locations or in allowance locations.Record companies, Journalists or academics then choose to equate those high-income sales with white suburban youth, and low-income sales with inner-city identity of buyers (Kitting 2005). Moreover, it has been argued that sales figures under represent the taste preferences of the poor. (Quinn 2005:83) As Rose (1994) explains it, in the black community, particularly in impoverished neighborhoods, many more rap CDC are listened to than bought a single purchase being passed on from one fan to another. Similarly, homemade tapes and bootleg CDC are often produced and shared within local fan networks.The implications of this point are clear enough: t he appropriation of rap music by suburban white teens might not be as extensive as is commonly supposed. Finally, we do not know whether or how the AP audience relates to the dominant frame of the music as a catalyst for crime and delinquency or to the counter frame of the music as an articulator of social inequity. The mainstreaming of rap may have cost the genre its underground or counter- culture status as protest music, or made it less attractive to delinquent rebels.Rap also may play no part in crime or resistance subcultures because, under post modern conditions, young people have become increasingly eclectic and individualized in their musical tastes; the close relationship between musical tastes and lifestyles, implied by subcultures theory, no longer applies. On this formulation, therefore, we would not expect to find strong connections between a preference for rap music and subcultures of crime and subcultures of resistance. On the other hand, reasons for believing that rap music may be a basis for subcultures lifestyles, at least among black youth, are more compelling.At the time that we were conducting our research there was considerable debate, in the local media and among local politicians, about issues involving race and crime racial profiling and the desirability of collecting race-based crime statistics, for example. Contributing to this debate were findings from another study, confirming what black youths in Canada have always suspected, namely that they are much more likely to be arbitrarily stopped and searched by police officers than are members of other racial and ethnic groups even when their own self-reported deviant activity is statistically controlled for (Worldly and Tanner 2005). In addition, contemporaneous research on the media coverage of race and crime in Toronto newspapers carried out by Worldly (2002), found black people disproportionately portrayed in a narrow range of roles and activities (principally hose involving crime, sports and entertainment) than members of other racial and ethnic groups; and when featured in crime stories, depicted primarily as offenders. Capricious policing and media misrepresentation may therefore contribute to a sense of injustice among black youth, a sense of injustice that has them gravitating to rap as an emblem of cultural resistance. 00 ; social Forces 88(2) Commercial success and artistic validation has not diminished rap musics capacity to provoke moral panic. The music is still seen as threatening, dangerous and socially damaging by many political figures and established authority. Previous research suggests that negative media coverage of the cultural preferences and practices of adolescents often intensifies subcu ltures identifications (Cohen 1973; Fine and Galilean 1979; Thornton 1995). Rap based moral panics may therefore tighten and behaviors.The lack of attention paid to raps consumers renders these questions relatively open ones, the meaning of rap music still to be discovered. Methods Whereas most contemporary research on rap focuses on those who create the music artists and producers, and those who write about it, music critics we pose questions about raps audience. Further, while audience studies usually employ qualitative data-gathering techniques (for example, Morley 1980; Roadway 1984; Shivery 1992), we use the methods of survey research.We are more concerned with how audience members interact with the music than with the issue of cause and effect. We are interested in how music might be used as a resource in their everyday lives (Willis 1990; Adenoma 2000), how it might contribute to identity formation (Roe 1999) and, especially, how audiences might align themselves with (or distance themselves from) cultures of crime and resistance. Nonetheless, in our analyses, we read rap fantod as a dependent variable.While there is considerable academic and public debate about whether music produces or is a product of cultural activities, legal or otherwise, existing research has failed to provide a compelling or consistent rationale for any particular causal logic. As we have seen, the idea that exposure to rap music causes crime is not unequivocally supported in the research literature. Research on resistant youth cultures, by contrast, is much more likely to reverse the relationship and see musical style as a result of subcultures activity (Willis 1978; Hebrides 1979).Hebrides, for example, infers that punk rock in the United Kingdom was a cultural response to the subordination of existing working-class youth groups. Lying (1985) has countered that punk the musical genre existed before punk the subculture. In the absence of agreement about the direction of the relationship between musical taste and cultural practices, our decision to operational rap appreciation as a dependent variable is made more for pragmatic, heuristic reasons than unassailable theoretical ones. Our strategy is to focus on listening preferences rather than purchasing habits.By asking students to report on and evaluate the sic that they like, dislike and in what combinations, we gain a clearer and more detailed picture of where rap is situated in the consumption patterns of groups of students d ifferentiated by, among other factors, their racial identity. Our goals are to: (1 . Distinguish students with a serious, exclusive taste for rap from more casual fans; (2. To calculate the Listening to Rap ; 701 size and racial makeup of rap musics prime audience; and (3. To map relationships between that core audience and resistant and delinquent repertoires.Few surveys of general populations of young people have established any kind of connection teens rap and deviancy, net of other factors. We contend that raps reputation as a corrosive force is validated by that linkage, and that without it that representation becomes more contestable. A similar logic applies to the relationship between rap and social protest. The claim that the music carries a serious message that it is an link between the music and a collective sense of inequity, and weakened by its absence. Data The data for this research are drawn from the Toronto Youth Crime and Factorization Study, a stratified cross-sectional survey of Toronto adolescents carried out from 1998 wrought 2000 (Tanner and Worldly 2002). Self-administered questionnaires were completed by 3,393 Toronto students ages 13-18, from 30 Metropolitan Toronto high schools in both the Catholic (10 schools) and larger Public School (20 schools) systems. Within each school, one class from each grade, 9 (ages 13 and 14) through 13 (ages 18 and 19), was randomly selected. The overall response rate was 83 percent (83. 4% for Catholic vs.. 3. 1% for public schools), and is a conservative estimate as it was based on the number of students enrolled in each class rather than those present the day of the study. Informed consent was given for participation in the study. Surveys were completed during class under the supervision of a member of the research team (and without a teacher present) and took approximately 45 minutes to complete. The survey asked young people about a broad range of topics, including family life, educational experiences, leisure activities, delinquent involvement, factorization experiences and so forth.The survey instrument was designed by members of the research team and evolved out of a series of 11 focus groups with adolescents in Toronto schools. The completed survey was reviewed by a rise of institutional ethics boards, including those at the University of Toronto, the Toronto Public School Board and the Catholic School Board. As the survey does not include high school dropouts, institutionalized y outh and street youth, it is a school sample and thus any generalizations speak only to the experiences of school-based adolescents. Our sample is ethnically and racially diverse and is representative of the Metropolitan Toronto high school population. Measures Musical Preferences Guided by Borides work (1984) and Peterson recasting of musical taste in terms of omnivorous and omnivorous patterns (1992), we focus our attention on 702 ; social Forces 88(2) how musical choices are combined: if young people liked (or disliked) one style or genre, what other styles or genres did they like or dislike (what Van Kick 2001 has referred to as combinatorial logic).Indicators of musical taste were derived from the question: How much do you like each of the following types of music? Respondents were then asked to evaluate each of 1 1 contemporary musical genres: Soul, Rhythm and Blues, Jazz, Hip/Hop and Rap, Reggae and Dance Hall, Classical and Opera, Country and New Country, Pop, Alternative (including Punk, Grunge), Heavy Metal (Hard Rock), Ethnic Music (traditional/ cultural), and Techno (Dance).Musical tastes were assesse d on a five-point Liker scale that addresses whether respondents Unlike previous research that dichotomize musical tastes, focusing exclusively on the musical genres most liked (Peterson and Kern 1996) or disliked (Bryon 1996), we target the level of appreciation (or lack of appreciation) each respondent has for a particular musical genre. For space considerations a detailed overview of the clustering procedure has been omitted but is available upon request.We employed a woo-stage cluster analysis (hierarchical agglomerative and k-means) procedure to derive groupings of adolescent musical tastes. Cluster analysis assembles respondents based on their common responses to questions/ measures, and is useful for identifying relatively homogeneous groups, groups that are highly internally homogeneous (members are similar to one another) and highly externally heterogeneous (members are not like members of other clusters) (Aldermen and Falsified 1984). Employing cluster analysis techniques, we uncovered seven musical taste clusters. Table 1 outlines the results of our cluster analysis. The largest group n = 616) was the Club Kids, composed of those who report an above average enjoyment of techno and dance, mainstream pop, and hip-hop and rap. Next were the Urban Music Enthusiasts (n = 605). Members of this group combined a strong appreciation of Rap and Hip Hop with considerable disinterest in most other musical styles. These adolescents are the primary focus of the current study.Then there was a fairly large (n = 482) group of youth, the New Traditionalists, who have an above average liking of classical music and opera, Jazz, soul, R, country music and mainstream pop. The fourth largest (n = 425) group, the Hard Rockers, comprised a sizeable number of heavy metal and hard rock, alternative, punk and grunge fans. Then there was a surprisingly large (n = 384) group of adolescents, the Musical Abstainers, who are only marginally interested in any kind of music.The group we call the Ethnic Secularists (n = 380) were so described because of a dominant preference for a quite wide range of ethnic music, as well as a greater than average liking for soul and R, Jazz, classical music and opera, country music techno and dance, and mainstream pop. The smallest group (n = 338), the Musical Omnivores, was composed of those who have an above average appreciation for all 11 musical unrest.

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COMPLEMENTARY THERAPIES Complementary therapies are those that are used along with conventional medicine, to help relieve symptoms,lessen side effects, or provide psychological benet [1].There is an ever-increasing use of such complementary treatments with about half of all adult cancer patients using some form of complementary therapy, and an increasing number of parents of children with cancer supporting its use [2]. These non-harmful therapies include interventions such as biofeedback, relaxation and meditation, hypnosis, imaging, massage, aromatherapy, a variety of culturally dependent and culturally sensitive spiritual healing therapies, and in-depth religious beliefs and practices. Such non-harmful complementary therapies (a) often make the child/adolescent patients and their parents feel better, (b) give them a sense of having a wider control over the decision-making process regarding the child?s health, (c) can help reduce psychological as well as physical pain, (d) can improve the quality of life, (e)might offer some relief from the side effects of conventional therapies, and (f) can boost the immune system. Both hard and soft data frompediatric cancer clinics verify the value, usefulness, and extensive participation by families in such complementary therapies [2]. Those that are not harmful and provide psychological support for the children and their families should not be discouraged by the medical health care team. In summary, physicians and the other members of the health care team should discourage discontinuation of proven conventional therapies and the substitution of unproven alternative therapies. At the same time, physicians should not discourage parental discussion of and controlled use of non-harmful complementary therapies, with the following caveat.

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Creative Ideas for Extracurricular Activities Rubiks Cube may not seem to have much to do with college admissions, but anything an applicant is passionate about can be transformed into a winning piece of a college application. This article explores how Rubiks Cube and other quirky interests can become meaningful extracurricular activities. Avoiding Burn-Out in High School A high school student wrote in the college admissions forum that he was worried about his burn-out and his lack of extracurricular activities. He also mentioned his passion for Rubiks Cube. This combination of passion and burn-out gets to the heart of a good college application strategy. Far too many students join clubs, compete in sports, and play instruments because they feel these activities are essential for getting into college, not because they actually have any passion for these extracurriculars. When you spend a lot of time doing something you dont love, you will burn out. What Can Count as an Extracurricular Activity? College applicants should think broadly about what can be defined as an extracurricular activity (see What Counts as an Extracurricular Activity?). Not everyone can be or wants to be class president, drum major, or the lead in the school play. And the truth is, unusual extracurricular activities are going to make your application stand out more than membership in Chess Club and Debate Team (mind you, Chess Club and Debate Team are both fine extracurriculars). So, getting back to the Rubiks Cube can ones love of the Cube be classified as an extracurricular? If handled correctly, yes. No college will be impressed by the applicant who spends four hours a day sitting alone in a room playing with a puzzle, but consider something like this example: if youre really into cubing and decided to make a cube club at your school, finding others who were interested and creating the club, it could look good on an application because it shows that youre taking charge and starting something that will be beneficial for others. Heres a Rubiks Cube lover who turned that passion into a school club. The applicant demonstrates leadership and organization skills by taking the initiative to transform his passion into something more than a solitary hobby. And note that leadership is key when it comes to the best extracurricular activities. An impressive extracurricular isnt defined by the activity itself, but by what the student accomplishes with the activity. The student could take this club one step further to accomplish the dual goals of getting into college and helping others how about using the club to fundraise for a charity? Create a Rubiks Cube competition; collect donations; get sponsors use the club to raise money and awareness for a worthy cause. The main point here isnt just about Rubiks Cube, but about extracurriculars. The best college applicants remain true to their interests and passions. Think broadly and creatively about extracurriculars to figure out how to transform your passions into something meaningful that will be a pleasure for you, a benefit to others, and an impressive part on your college application.

Raelianism Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Raelianism - Research Paper Example Vorilhon, who now assumed the titular name of Rael (2006), described it as the religion of the infinite, â€Å"an atheist religion whose goals are the diffusion of the messages of demystification, given by the Elohim, to the Earth’s population, and to build an embassy where they will make official contact with the governments of the Earth† (p. 248). Based on its history, its development and its objectives, Raelianism can be considered a legitimate form of faith, regardless of the strangeness of its practices and rituals. It has persisted for decades and this alone makes the religion worth a closer look. History and Philosophy Unlike other groups, claiming to be a form of religion such as Scientology and even the Mormons, Raelianism is not overly secretive and is quite open with regards to its beliefs, rituals and history. Its beginnings, hence, is readily available to those who want to be initiated are interested to know. Its history began during that fateful day in 197 3 when Rael claimed to be driving in the middle of nowhere when the Elohim materialized. As per Rael’s account, these beings are extraterrestrials who came to the Earth and created life through scientific technologies. This was supposedly revealed to him and the responsibility to inform mankind and to prepare them to meet their makers rest on his hands. Thus, Raelianism was founded. The Raelian teachings, philosophies or what one would call catechism or dogma in the Christian religion are closely tied with existing religious texts such as the Bible. The idea is to view everything from their theoretical point of view. Here, the Christian God becomes the Elohim, a highly advanced extraterrestrial being. He was not an all too powerful omniscient or omnipresent mystical God but just an advanced race, with technological capability to design, manipulate and create life. For further insights, one could turn to the manner in which Raelian belief interpreted some parts of the biblical Genesis. Genesis 1:1 became: â€Å"In the beginning Elohim created the heaven and earth† (Rael, p. 11). The corresponding explanation revealed the framework further and to quote: Elohim, translated without justification in some Bibles by the word God means in Hebrew â€Å"those who came from the sky†, and furthermore the world is a plural. It means that the scientists from our world searched for a planet that was suitable to carry out their projects. They â€Å"created†, or in reality discovered the Earth, and realized it contained all the necessary elements for the creation of artificial life (p.11). The above example showed how Raelian belief tries to reconcile the religious texts that the world has with the concepts and artifacts of technology as we know or conceive of it today. It is not unlike rationalizing the mysteries of many religions, grounding it on scientific concepts. Eller (2007) summarized what the Raelianism stands for by saying that it is a â⠂¬Å"self-consciously atheistic religion† and that â€Å"the various world scriptures are attempts to communicate this reality but are garbled and confused† (p.268). The Elohim allegedly explained - and, therefore, such explanation became a core component of Raelian philosophy - that â€Å"the world’s existing religion were founded as a result of their direct communication with a series of human prophets for the purpose of implanting the idea of humanity’

Facebook Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Facebook - Essay Example Ashley Watson lists Starbucks, Victoria’s Secret, Zara, McDonalds, H&M, Taco Bell, Subway, Lacoste, Hollister and Forever as the top ten most liked retailers advertising on Facebook and claims they are selling themselves on the site as they discovered it as an innovative way of letting themselves be known to consumers. The advertisers on Facebook generally let their products known on the networking site because of the number of people they can reach as friends of targeted consumers see what they are engaged with when they click on the like button below the pictures of advertisers (Stambor). In addition, Facebook advertising is cheaper on the part of the retailers while they are still able to reach more consumers with the help of their prospects’ free advertisements tot their friends. As mentioned earlier in the ads of Facebook, retailers are also able to interact with customers, telling them more about their products and answering questions which makes consumers appreciate or give suggestions to the retailers. Being the top among the ten retailers mentioned earlier, Starbucks gained its status with a well done Facebook page (Lee) where they communicate with their customers, updating them with new products, promotions and other pertinent information that engage their fans. One noted activity of the retailer is giving away free products when they print out invitations from their advertisement on the networking site which increased their production within the promotional period. Another retailer that took great advantage of the site’s advertisement page is the controversial Taco Bell (Lee, Singer) with the lawsuit claiming its Taco fillings do not meet the standard requirement of the USDA to be labeled as beef, the retailer used Facebook to pacify consumers. It is giving away ten million coupons to those who like them on Facebook which consequently entitles them for free Tacos and the more than five million followers of Taco Bell

Use of Technology Essay Example for Free

Use of Technology Essay The information age presents many challenges for those in education and government where there is the need for the whole population to be able to access and use new technologies. This will include use of computers, the internet and digital television which is key in determining and establishing a skilled workforce and empowered citizenry for the twenty first century; the possibility and potential of these new technologies to allow people to learn throughout the life-course is also seen as a ready means of establishing developed countries as a learning society. Governments around the world have come out and set targets and development policies to help all adult technologies – information communication technology- in making these users friendly in their own environments, (Selwyn, Gorard, Furlong, 2006). Despite the sums of money being invested in ICT and education, there is the need for establishing how close the society is in establishing technology based learning societies and the challenges that might be faced along the way. There is also the need to recognize the promise and potential of new technologies, mapping how ICT and ICT-based learning fit with the everyday lives of each individual as well as the ability of research in the community. In this time and age, many of us already have a hand held mobile device, a hand held computing device of some description as well as some form of Internet access in the homes or at the office. As well, the enthusiasts of the power of technology see the need to support and shape our everyday activities proliferate via newspapers, textbooks and television screens. All these are learning avenues and as well these have increased to e-commerce, e-tailing, cybersex, blogging, networked computerized technologies in the nineteenth century revolution; inspired by grand notions of globalization and post modernity, some scholars have taken to portraying adults in the early twenty-first century as living in a plentiful post-physical age where all that is solid melts into bits The importance of learning in information society The prominence of education and learning within the post-industrial, information society analysis was in no small part responsible for the high profile reassessment of education and training by educators and politicians in developing countries over the latter half of the 1990s. In countries such  as the UK, this was infamously embodied in New Labor’s 1977 election commitment to concentrate on education. The information society and knowledge economy agenda were particularly evident in the rise of political favor during the 1990s of the broad concept of lifelong learning, a notion embracing not only the compulsory phases of education but also education throughout adult life. This lifelong learning involves more than a narrow technical adjustment to the organization of educational provision; it is an attempted transformation in learning opportunities in order to meet the implicit demands of the information society/knowledge economy. If it is accepted that the production and distribution of knowledge and information are increasingly significant processes in the determination of global economic competitiveness and development, which are reflected in turn, in economic growth, employment change and levels of welfare, then the capacities of organizations and individuals to engage successfully in the learning process of a variety of kinds is an obvious determinant of economic performance. Policies and usage of ICT in schools For an effective learning environment in schools that incorporate ICT, the use of computers need to have policy frameworks to specify their use and how effective they will be in their use as this will give a general guideline in use as well as maintenance. In South Africa, the proportion of principles indicating the existence of written policies for both the lower and upper education levels were virtually the same, but emphasis was quite different. In almost all the schools too, there was a common vision on ICT as a policy goal that pay attention to norms and values when using services such as the internet; a survey in south Africa revealed that such visions were fully or partially realized both at the upper and the lower levels as other principals reported that developing a common vision was realized as a goal, (Howie, Muller, Paterson, 2005) On the other hand, at the upper level involving mature learning, it is certainly not hard to detect enthusiasms for ICT based technologies within the educational literature, reflecting the proliferation of new technologies such as the computer and internet in adult changing settings. In essence and principle, ICTs are argued to make learning more effective and more equitable, to offer a diverse range of  learning opportunities to a diverse range of adult learners on a suitable, convenient and cost effective basis as technology has been heralded by some to facilitate learning which is eclectic, holistic and flexible. In short, this is to say that ICTs are portrayed as making the wider goals of the knowledge economy and information society, (Howie, Muller, Paterson, 2005) Conclusion According to Law, Yuen Fox, (2011), sustaining or transformative uses of technology do not depend on technology alone, they also depend on the intended use of the technology in the specific educational contexts, often, and specific technologies priorities certain uses and hence can be used more easily for sustaining or transformative purposes. Such prioritization is not deterministic as further, the characteristic that mist influences the choice and deployment of ICT in school education is the pedagogical decision-making of the teacher. This in turn is determined by the curriculum goals and training as well as pedagogical competencies of the teacher, (Law, 2008) Transformative use of technology in schools and education as discussed above are those that are integral to the implementation of innovative pedagogical practices. This involves the changing roles of the teachers, learners and members of the community, and the power relationships among these three groups. The way learning outcomes are assessed and staff performance is appraised also changes, thus challenging the predominant value and reward system inherent in the education system today. In particular, the integration of ICT in learning can be an effective tool in widening education participation, supporting a diversity of educational provision as well as lead to better form and outcomes of adult learning. ? Work Cited Howie, S. J., Muller, A., Paterson, A. (2005). Information and Communication Technologies in. Howie, S. J., Muller, A., Paterson, A. (2005). Information and Communication Technologies in (n.d.): 1-9. Web. Sept.-Oct. 2014. This journal discusses the benefits of using technology in education, as well as the challenges it has created. The writer’s thoroughly researched paper convinces its readers of the vastness of the technological world. South Africa: Reforming Higher Education and Transforming the National System of Innovation. Academia.edu. N.p., n.d. Web. 05 Oct. 2014. This article is written to inform its readers about, the transformation of education with rapid inventions of newer technologies. Nurturing Leadership and Establishing Learning Organizations. Educational Innovations Beyond Technology. N.p., n.d. Web. Oct.-Nov. 2014.Selwyn, N., Gorard, S., Furlong, J. (2006). This research discuses the methods and technological innovations used in learning. Adult Learning in the Digital Age: Information Technology and the Learning Society. N.p., n.d. Web. Oct.-Nov. 2014. This research discusses the use of technology in education, as well as its impact on education.